Senate Democrats Progress on EFCA Compromise

United States SenateThe following is a reprint of a client alert recently authored by my partners Steven Swirsky and Jay Krupin.  It should be of interest to all Florida employers in the private sector. 

The past several days have brought potentially significant developments with respect to Senate Democrats' efforts to enact labor law reform and bring the Employee Free Choice Act to a vote on the Senate floor. Reports have circulated that a consensus has begun to emerge among Senate Democrats for a bill that would remove EFCA's controversial provisions eliminating secret ballot elections where a union has obtained signatures from more than 50 percent of the employees in the proposed bargaining unit, and instead would provide for significantly faster NLRB-conducted elections, within five to ten days of the filing of a representation petition. The bill would also provide for greater access to employees and to employer property during the campaign period. Presently, NLRB-conducted elections are typically held an average of 45 days after the union files a petition. Along with faster elections, the reported compromise would include increased access by unions to employer premises to campaign among employees, as well as increased restrictions on employer campaign rights. EFCA's other most controversial component, compulsory binding arbitration of the economic and other terms of initial collective bargaining agreements where the parties do not quickly reach agreement, is reported to remain a part of the compromise bill.

While the Democrats reached 60 votes in the Senate when Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania switched his party affiliation from Republican to Democrat and Al Franken was finally declared the victor over Norm Coleman in Minnesota, the fact is that there remain a substantial block of Democratic senators who have expressed doubt about EFCA's card check language and who have indicated that they are not prepared to support a bill that would eliminate secret ballot elections. The compromise language is intended to draw their support, while fulfilling the Democrats' commitment to change the law to make it easier for unions to organize.

This past Friday, The New York Times reported that a number of key Democratic Senators, including supporters of the card check bill, had indicated their willingness to compromise on an alternate form of EFCA that preserved secret ballot elections. A number of union leaders have indicated that such a compromise bill would still, from their perspective, represent an "important victory" because it would lead to faster elections and make it easier for workers to unionize. That compromise would eliminate EFCA's provisions calling for recognition on the basis of a card check and preserve NLRB-conducted secret ballot elections but would significantly change the procedures surrounding elections in a number of ways that would make it easier for unions to win and much more difficult for employers to ensure that employees were fully informed and able to weigh all of the facts before casting their votes.

  • First, it is reported that the proposed amendments to EFCA would require that representation elections take place within five and ten calendar days of the union's filing a petition for an election.
  • The compromise legislation would include "access," meaning that employers would be required to permit a union trying to organize to come onto its property to seek signatures on cards (which unions would still use as evidence of a showing of interest to secure an election), to hold meetings at which it would be able to campaign with the employees during the days preceding the election and to counter any messages the employer might seek to convey.
  • Under the current law, employers have the right to require their employees to attend meetings (so long as they are not held during the last 24 hours before the voting begins) where the employer may present its views to the employees about why they would be better off voting against union representation. Organized labor has dubbed these meetings and the remarks presented at them as "captive audience speeches" because the employer is able to require employees to attend—the unions claim the employees are held captive. One proposed amendment to EFCA would make it unlawful for employers to require employees to attend meetings where the employer presents its point of view.
  • The compromise also reportedly calls for increased use of voting by mail in representation elections. While the NLRB has long used mail ballots where it deems them necessary, they have generally been viewed as less reliable and have been disfavored and only used in a small percentage of elections today.

Significantly, the compromise bill would continue to include the other most controversial provision of EFCA, that is, the requirement of government-conducted binding interest arbitration to set the terms of a first collective bargaining agreement where the parties do not reach quick agreement. Under EFCA, an arbitrator would set the terms of an initial two-year contract. EFCA does not provide any real detail as to what limitations or direction would apply to the arbitrator in doing so.

From an employer's perspective, the reported compromise continues to represent a serious concern and in many respects is not significantly better than the original version of the EFCA bill. While it would preserve the concept of a secret ballot election, the call for a very short, five to ten day time span between the filing of a petition and the NLRB conducting the vote means, realistically, that employers will not have any meaningful opportunity to put together a campaign and present the important counter arguments to the promises that the union will have made while it has been collecting signatures on cards. Such fast elections would follow the lines of the model followed in Canada under the various provincial labor relations laws. This means that the resolution of such critical issues, such as the determination of what is the appropriate unit for bargaining, which employees are supervisors and/or managers and thus who is actually eligible to vote and take part in the election and organizing campaign would not be addressed and resolved until after the election is held.

As noted, the proposed compromise bill would also not only take away such communications tools as mandatory all employee meetings, the revised legislation appears likely to also provide unions and organizers with access to employers' facilities, such as meeting rooms, email systems, and the like to conduct their campaigns.

It is worth noting that, under existing law, the NLRB already has held that in some cases employers must allow unions such access as "special remedies" where the Board finds that employer unfair labor practices have seriously interfered with its election processes and employees' rights under the Act. The courts have affirmed the Board has the authority to grant such relief and thus it should be noted that an "Obama Board" might well seek to expand the use of such remedies even before or without Congressional action on EFCA.

Given all of the above, if EFCA were to be enacted in the modified form described above or in some similar form, employers would clearly be facing a significantly altered organizing landscape, one in which unions would have many tools and tactical advantages that they do not have today. This will likely be true regardless of whether card check is ultimately included in EFCA or other labor law reform legislation. Employers need to face the reality that union organizing will likely move deeper underground and that by the time that an employer receives notice that a representation petition has been filed with the NLRB and that an election will be held within the following week, it will often be too late to begin the process of convincing the employees why they are better off without representation.

 

 

U.S. Senate Approved Several Amendments Dealing With Immigration Enforcement Not Included In The 2010 Homeland Security Appropriations Bill (H.R. 2892)

On Wednesday, July 8, 2009, the Senate approved several amendments dealing with immigration enforcement and benefits which were not included in the 2010 homeland security appropriations bill (H.R. 2892) passed previously by the House. An amendment introduced by Senator Jeff Sessions (R-Ala) dealing with E-Verify was passed by a voice vote after a motion by Sen. Schumer (D-NY) to table it was rejected 44 to 53. Sen. Sessions’ amendment is extremely important because it could make the voluntary E-Verify program, in its present form, permanent and mandatory for all federal contractors beginning September 8, 2009.

The final federal contractor’s rule, which extends the use of E-Verify to covered federal contractors and subcontractors, including those who receive American Recovery and Reinvestment Act funds, came as a result of Executive Order 12989. The rule was originally scheduled for roll-out last January 15, 2009, but had to be postponed because of a lawsuit filed by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce in the U.S. District Court for the District of Maryland challenging the legality of the rule.

The version of the bill passed previously by the House on June 24th would extend the E-Verify program for only two years. Thus, the existing differences between the amended version passed by the Senate and the House bill will have to be reconciled and a final version will need to be agreed upon in conference before changes can take effect.

Secretary Napolitano announced early on July 8th the department’s intention to rescind the controversial No-Match Rule in favor of the “more modern and effective” E-Verify. In a surprising but decisive response, the Senate also adopted an amendment from Senator David Vitter (R-LA) that would prohibit the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (“DHS”) from using any Fiscal Year 2010 appropriated funds to rescind the No-Match Rule.

Sen. Schumer, who led the effort to table Sen. Session’s amendment, stated that declarations made earlier by DHS Secretary Janet Napolitano that the Administration would support a regulation that requires employers to use E-Verify in order to be awarded federal contracts had rendered the amendment “moot.”

However, the real reason for Sen. Schumer’s opposition is that the present administration wants to enact immigration compliance laws that target employers and, Republicans, now the minority in the Senate, want to enact immigration compliance laws targeting employees. But in a surprising move, supported by a few Democrat senators, all amendments dealing with immigration enforcement offered by Republicans were approved.

More concerning for employers, however, is the apparent administration’s pursuance of a more capable and technologically advanced version of E-Verify. Sen. Schumer has stated repeatedly that E-Verify does not “go far enough” and made clear in several occasions that he favors a hi-tech employment verification system which employs biometric identifiers such as fingerprints, eye scans, and more. Similarly, Secretary Napolitano, who believes E-Verify is a “smart, simple and effective tool” has also made clear, in agreement with Sen. Schumer that “we need to continue to work to improve E-Verify, and we will.”

These declaration not only indicate that the Obama administration and key democratic leaders in Congress share the view that immigration compliance should target employers, but also, as it would appear, through the use of an “improved” or, in other words, a more capable and technologically advanced E-Verify that could include not only biometric identifiers, but also information sharing capabilities linked to other governmental agencies. 

The possibility of an “improved” version of E-Verify does not seem far-fetched when considered in light of present existing Memorandums of Understanding between governmental agencies which already allows for information sharing, past joint raids, and an appropriations bill which provides for $5.4 billion to fund DHS’s employment verification activities.

Further, such “improved” E-Verify, despite the potential tremendous governmental invasion into the workings of private institutions, could give the Obama administration a serious “footing” in dealing with millions of illegal immigrants, which can be “politically” cashed at a later time. 

So far it is unclear what immediate effects the Sessions and Vitter amendments would have if enacted. Both the federal contractor and No-Match Rules are currently suspended due to ongoing litigation.

Would the Paycheck Fairness Act Close the Gender Pay Gap?

A few weeks ago I was quoted in Cindy Goodman's column in the Miami Herald on the issue of the gender pay gap.  There is a significant pay gap -- on average, women earn about 78% of what men earn.  But is the cause of the pay gap gender-based pay discrimination, i.e. women earning less than equally qualified men for the same work?  Or are other factors primarily responsible? I argued that women's choices -- the majors they choose in college, the jobs they apply for, and later, the child rearing choices they make -- are far more important than pay discrimination in creating the pay gap .

I caught some flak for my politically incorrect comments. But my comments were not off-the-cuff opinions -- they were based on the conclusions of numerous studies on the issue.  For example, take a look at the American Association of University Women's 2007 study, "Behind the Pay Gap," which is available online.  The study explains that women tend to go into fields like education, psychology and the humanities, which typically pay less than the fields men tend to go into, such as engineering, math and business. Women are also more likely than men to work for nonprofit groups and local governments. And, many women choose to leave the workforce or go part-time to raise families. When they re-enter the workforce in a full time capacity, they don't earn as much as men who continued working full-time all along.  The study concludes that only a small portion of the pay gap might be attributable to discrimination.

Still not persuaded that the pay gap is mostly the product of choices women and men make?  Read this article from Reason Magazine, in which Harvard economist Claudia Goldin is quoted as saying that there isn't evidence of systemic pay discrimination. "There are certainly instances of discrimination, she says, but most of the gap is the result of different choices. Other hard-to-measure factors, Goldin thinks, largely account for the remaining gap -- 'probably not all, but most of it.'"

Which brings us to the Paycheck Fairness Act.  The PFA would amend the Equal Pay Act to  "provide more effective remedies to victims of discrimination in the payment of wages on the basis of sex," according to this summary of the bill from GovTrack.  One of the ways the PFA would accomplish this is to revise the "any factor other than sex" defense.  The summary states that the PFA:

Revises the exception to the prohibition for a wage rate differential based on any other factor other than sex. Limits such factors to bona fide factors, such as education, training, or experience.

States that the bona fide factor defense shall apply only if the employer demonstrates that such factor: (1) is not based upon or derived from a sex-based differential in compensation; (2) is job-related with respect to the position in question; and (3) is consistent with business necessity. Avers that such defense shall not apply where the employee demonstrates that: (1) an alternative employment practice exists that would serve the same business purpose without producing such differential; and (2) the employer has refused to adopt such alternative practice.

It's not clear how these new legal standards would play out in practice.  One thing is clear, though:  Employers would have a more difficult time defending cases of alleged pay discrimination brought under the Equal Pay Act.  

Proponents of the PFA argue that new legislation is necessary to close the pay gap. But because the pay gap is, for the most part, not the product of pay discrimination, the legislation would not close the gap significantly. Besides, Title VII and the current version of the Equal Pay Act, as well as state and local laws, already prohibit gender-based pay discrimination and impose significant penalties against employers that are found liable.  So it's hard to see why the PFA is necessary. 

What's the status of the PFA?  It passed the House in January and is currently pending in the Senate. If if it passes the Senate, there is little doubt that President Obama will sign it.  Stay tuned.